Montag, 10. Juni 2019

Damascius on the Gods #4: Babylonian Theology (Problems and Solutions 125.1)

At the end of his great original metaphysical treatise, the Problems and Solutions Concerning First Principles, Damascius reviews his system by describing different mythological accounts in which he finds it expressed. At the very end, he gives the accounts of four "barbarian" peoples. We already saw in #1 that Damascius had a particular interest in non-Greek divine names, and this shows again here.

In this part, I am giving Damascius' first barbarian theology, that of the Babylonians, with an explanation of the Semitic names, but without commentary on the content. This is unnecessary because Damascius is copying an older Greek text which summarized a Babylonian text, the Enûma Eliš (Wikipedia), in almost exactly the form in which it has been rediscovered in modernity.

The translation is basically that of Sara Ahbel-Rappe, but I have made a number of changes to bring it more in line with the Greek (several names were misspelled, for one thing).

Chapter 125.1
[III 165] ... But of the non-Greeks, while the Babylonians seem to have passed over the unique principle of all in silence, they make the two [=Limit and Infinitude] Tauthe (Tauthe) and Apason (Apasôn), making Apason the husband of Tauthe, and calling her Mother of Gods. From these, the single child is born, Moymis (Moymin), the intelligible world, I think, produced from the two principles. And from the same couple, another generation proceeds, Dache (Dachên) and Dachos (Dachon), and then a third generation from the same couple, Kissare (Kissarê!) and Assorus (Assôron), from which three [gods] are born, Anos (Anon) and Illinos (Illinon) and Aos (Aon). And a son of Aos and Dauke (Daukês) is Belus (Bêlon), who they say is the demiurge.
This account, usually assumed to be taken from Eudemus like some of the other theologies, would have no longer been available in Babylonian at the time - cuneiform literacy had been lost for centuries -, but today we know that it follows a specific Babylonian text, the Enûma Eliš, very closely. It is independent of the Babyloniaca of Berossus, which was one of the main sources of Mesopotamian lore in the Greco-Roman world; indeed, it seems to be an Assyrian version of the Babylonian story, which Berossus (who was from the city of Babylon) certainly would not have propagated. The god Assorus (Assôros) appears to represent Aššur, the eponymous god of the Assyrian capital, who replaced Anšar in Assyrian versions of Enûma Eliš. On the other hand, Aššur has not replaced the Babylonian chief god, Bel, which is the more important change of the Assyrian version.

Bel would have been the only god, presumably, whom Damascius recognized from other sources, and even from personal experience in Syria and Phoenicia (although strictly speaking the Syro-Phoenician gods called Bêl or Bêlos in Greek were not all related to the Babylonian god). Nevertheless, it is worth going through the other gods quickly:
  • Tauthe (short e!) represents Tamte - still often wrongly transliterated as 'Tiamat' - in the Late Babylonian pronunciation Tawte or Taute. Berossus' Hellenization of the Babylonian name is lost to textual corruption, but he translates is as Thalattê.
  • Apason is Apsû (< Sumerian Abzu). Since Greeks had no problems pronouncing -ps-, the second -a- is probably a feature of the Semitic pronunciation of the time. the final -û has been transformed into a declinable -ôn ending. (Tauthe is the only undeclinable name.)
  • Moymis, or perhaps rather Moumis, represents Babylonian Mummu.
  • Dache and Dachos are Lakhamu and Lakhmu. I am guessing that the pronunciation at the time was closer to Lakhawu and Lakhwu, but I'm not sure.
  • Kissare is Kišar; although the Greek has Kissarê where one would expect an accusative Kissarên, I take this to be a scribal error, as the final vowel cannot be explained from the Babylonian form.
  • Assorus is either Aššur or Anšar.
  • Anos is Anu.
  • Illinos is Enlil.
  • Aos is Ea. Berossus had not transliterated his name (that we know of), but had translated it as Kronos in the context of the Babylonian flood myth.
  • Dauke represents Damkina, in the Late Babylonian pronunciation Dawkina/Daukina.
  • Belus is Bēl.

Damascius on the Gods #3: Commentary on the Philebus

Like in the case of #2, the work I am excerpting from here is based on lecture notes; Damascius seems to have lectured on the basis of Proclus' (lost) written commentary, but often disagrees with him.

Unlike #1 and #2, the Commentary on Plato's Philebus discusses the gods and godhood in deeply technical ways (although sections A and F-I should be easy to follow). I will admit that I often can't really follow what Damascius is saying in the more difficult sections (particularly D), but it is obviously important for studying what the Late Neoplatonists understood by divinity.

The translation is Westerink's.

A) Pleasure and Aphrodite
§18. "Why is Pleasure a Goddess according to Philebus? As an object of desire and a final cause. And why does he identify her with Aphrodite? As an object of live. Also, perhaps, because both pleasure and Aphrodite play a part in coition, the latter as its patroness, the former as an affect."
§19. "Why did the ancients not give the name of Pleasure (hedonê) to any deity? Proclus's answer is: because it is neither a primary good nor bad in itself nor intermediate and therefore indifferent; for how can its magic be indifferent?
As a matter of fact, Pleasure is a deity, for one of the Graces is called Euphroysne; but there is also a hymn to Hedone in Iamblichus and her cult is testified to by Proclus of Laodicea."
(A 'hierophant' who wrote a work called Theologia.)
§20. "How many possible reasons are there for naming deities after human affects or conditions, and what are they? This may concern good or bad or morally indifferent conditions of the soul, and the reason can accordingly be to improve those that are indifferent, to curb them when they are evil, and to strengthen them when they are good."
§21. "None of the ancients identifies Aphrodite with Pleasure: how do we account for this? Because Aphrodite is the cause of union, of which pleasure is only an accompaniment; and because there is much ugliness in bodily pleasure at least, whereas Aphrodite is beauty, not only the beauty that comes from divine inspiration, but also that of nature. Besides, in theological literature (=mythology) Aphrodite and Euphrosyne are distinct chacters."
§22. "Why is Socrates willing to call her a Goddess, while shrinking from calling her Aphrodite? Because the latter is a proper name, the former a generic name, and the individual is more efficacious; possibly, because it is better adapted to our own divided nature. Another reason, he says, may be that pleasure has preserved a trace of goodness."
§23. "It seems possible that, when calling Pleasure a Goddess, Socrates does not express his own conviction, but that of Philebus, and therefore adds the particle '' in an ironical sense. Or he may also mean that Pleasure is a Goddess, but is not Aphrodite, in which case it is in the first place confusion of the divine names that he wishes to avoid."
§24. "Why this great reverence of Socrates for the names of the Gods? Because from of old apposite names have been consecrated to each, and it would be wrong to interfere with sacred traditions; or because they are naturally appropriate to them, according to the teaching of the Cratylus; or because they are 'vocal images' of the Gods, as Democritus says."
(This is Democritus the Platonist, a student of Plotinus' teacher Ammonius Saccas.)

B) Prometheus and Epimetheus
§57. "Prometheus reveals the ways in which the Gods proceed down into nature, Epimetheus the modes of their reversion to the intelligible plane. Iamblichus is stated to have said so on the authority of Pythagoras."
§58. "We must add to this, says Proclus, that there are many aspects of Prometheus: on the intellective, the supra-mundane and the intra-mundance level, each transmitting the divine gifts to the world accordingly. We must also add, he says, that the distinctive character of this deity (theos) is to reveal the good that is hidden with the Gods; therefore he is said to have stolen the fire, that is to say, to have disclosed the mystic treasure."
§59. "Plato, in the Protagoras [320C-322A; 361 C-D], makes Prometheus superior to Epimetheus, in imitation of Hesiod [Op. 42-105 ;Th. 510-616]; the Pythagoreans, however, seem to rank Epimetheus higher. This, I think, can be inferred from the fact that they associate Prometheus with procession, Epimetheus with reversion; hence the higher valuation, for it is better for souls to rvert from genesis than to go forth into it."
§60. "It is not as a revealing principle, but as a Titan that Prometheus transmits those good gifts, in a way more particular and more adapted to man. For he has the providential care of those rational beings that have descended to the lowest regions, and Epimetheus similarly of irrational beings, for they also bring forth irrational souls to take charge of the lower grades of existence and after their coming forth they mete out to them the universal providence of the Gods. [Pl. Prot. 320D4, 321C7]"
§61. "The fire that Prometheus stole and gave to man is all elevatory existence and elevatory perfection, not viewed in its upward motion, but in the process of being distributed through him to the lowest stratum of the universe. This is why it is said to be stolen, because, though elevatory, it is brought down; and through him, because only its descent is effected by Titanic powers, while its existence as form is due to other Gods."

B+) The method of division
§65. "The method of division proceeds with the emanation of forms; there is no break in the continuous course of remission and no vacuum, but it passes through all the intermediate stages from unity to infinite plurality."
§66. "The task of the method of division can be defined as follows: (1) The one should everywhere precede the many. (2) Finite plurality should precede the infinite. (3) The smaller number should always rank before the greater, as far as mere quantity is concerned. (4) No number of those that constitute the sequence of emanation should be omitted. (5) For each form the pertinent number should be chosen, e.g. three or seven in the case of Athena, and for all other forms accordingly, since the process of emanation is governed by a different number for each, a rule which also applies to the Gods; even of the monads themselves, one is monadic (that of the monad), another dyadic (that of the dyad), and so forth, so that there are other possibilities than dichotomy. [etc.]"

C) "The God"
§93. "[D]o we not sometimes despise the Good too? Yes, [...] when we are in a condition that is 'contrary to nature'. For nature wants to accomplish an end, and still more so does prudence, and even more so intelligence, and most of all [the] God; so that inclination towards evil is an aberration. This aberration, he says, is owing either to 'ignorance' in the rational faculty or to 'necessity' affecting the irrational functions. [...]"
(This is one of the very, very few places where Damascius calls the One "the God" in this work. He usually calls it "the Good" or "the One" here.)

D) The One Principle, the Two Principles, and the Gods
§98. "What are the Two Principles and what is the One Principle before them? We hold that the latter is the absolute cause of undifferentiated and unqualified existence, whereas the other two are the causes of existents contradistinguished by certain differences. The primal contradistinction is that between the unitary and the pluralized, the principles and causes of which have been indicated in different ways by different thinkers; there can be no adequate names for them, since adequate conceptions also are lacking; but some call them Limit and Infinitude, others One and Many, others have used whatever terms they thought most fit to indicate them."
§99. "Limit and Infinitude are twofold: first they appear as principles, then as consequents, for each of the two is present in every existent."
§100. "Not only existents, but even the Gods originate in Limit and Infinitude: thus we have male and female, emanative and integrative deities. This does not mean that male deities should not also participate of infinitude, but that limit is the dominating factor, and so on. For being first principles they pervade all things, not some things to the exclusion of others, which would be impossible."
§102. "The question is how plurality has proceeded form unity. He answers that the first stage is not plurality, but duality, which is next to unity. For it is unthinkable that the manifold should emerge without any middle term immediately after the one, but procession must of necessity be gradual, what is nearer the unit coming first, and so on.
Further, to be exact, there is a twofold process of generation: that of one as one, and that of two from the cause that embraces twoness as a single whole, the One being not only what the word expresses, one in the sense of one, but also in the sense of everything."
§103. "Only a symbolical value can be attached to the distinction between the Two Principles. For on the intelligible plane there is not yet any distinction, not even, consequently, that between the unparticipated and the participated, because the distinction of the participant and what it participates does not exist either, for even this implies a certain separateness. Therefore the Phaedrus [247C] locates reality in the supra-celestial region, and in the Parmenides [143A-B] unity is separated from reality at this point, so that the participated Gods also have their beginning here. In a way, therefore, there is not even duality yonder, but there is an unknowable One after the Unknowable, then another unknowable principle of plurality; then, in accordance with the current view among philosophers, the intelligible world (to noêton)."
§104. "If the elements of the mixture have the Two Principles as their causes, while the causes of the mixture is Reality, must not the elements inevitably be superior to the mixture, as the Two Principles are to Reality? The solution proposed is that the mixture is inferior in so far as it consists of both, the elements being simple; but in so far as it is one and derived from the One it is superior.
We prefer to regard the Two Principles as entire orders simpler than the Mixture, and to locate in the Mixture (or rather in the Cause of the Mixture) the first simultaneous origin of the elements (or rather the causes of the elements), which are secondary to the Principles and, because existing in the Mixture itself, are inferior to it, as elements are everywhere inferior to the whole that they constitute; the same relation, indeed, also exists between the causes."
§105. "Even in the second order there is not complete differentiation. For the creation of definite forms appears first in Intelligence, and the first Intelligence is pure Intelligence; therefore Iamblichus holds that it is here that the monads of forms are constituted, meaning by monads what is undifferentiated in each. This Intelligence, then, is the intelligible factor within the intellective order and the cause of ideal being, as the second is of life and the third of the creation of form on the intellective level."
§106. "The Egg and the Paternal Intelligence and the Mystic Number and in short that which ranks third after Limit is called a God by the theologians; so that the Mixture, i.e. existence (to on), should also be regarded as a God and a One, not as something merely unified nor as reality. Only thus can we justly speak of the mystic order of the Gods, otherwise it would be an order (diakosmos), not of Gods, but of existents (tôn ontôn)."
§107. "The One Principle constitutes all things and is the goal of all things, its finality being superior to its constitutive function; for the latter is because of the former, constitution because of the goal. But the First Principle is both in one, whereas the Two Principles have divided these functions, the higher one, whose substance is Limit, being determined by finality, the lower one by productivity."
§108. "As Socrates has posited a cause that unifies the Mixture, the question is also asked what the cause of its differentiation is. This might be the otherness that comes after the intelligible world, as the Parmenides [143A-B]teaches; for on the intelligible plane there is only unification.
It would be better to make the One the cause of all things, Limit of unification, Infinitude of differentiation, and the Mixture of what participates in both."

§114. "... Proclus says that the Creator makes the world in his own image and for his own sake, that all things may resemble him, and so he is himself all the three causes." (Efficient, exemplary, and final cause.)
Damascius: "there are nevertheless three, though they may appear concurrently in one subject. [...]the First Cause, too, 'makes' all things, but in complete unity."

§117. "Why is the mixture said to 'come to be'? Because every mixture consists of a plurality of dissimilar elements, and if a plurality, which as such is disconnected, is to come together at all, it needs something to collect it, that is, to mix it and thereby create it. Therefore the mixed must inevitably depend on a cause which creates it: in the case of the Mixture absolutely this is the absolute unifying Cause, and for the mixture that has its origin in time it is the Demiurgic cause."

E) Kingship (of Zeus) and "everything is everywhere"
§127. "Why is intelligence on the side of limit? Because it converges on itself and determines and orders itself and also imposes the good on other things, measuring them when they are in themselves without measure; and such, we may take it, is any passive process, whether that of pleasure or of free-will. They are measured by intelligence in that the degree and the character of the pleasure involved are subject to the dictates of intelligence; for it is against the nature of the passive to be prior, since it is a product of the active principle; cognition, however, is active rather, inasmuch as it is imperative judgment. Therefore the 'judgment of Zeus' sways the universe; but because the measure in the truer sense is the Good (by which cognition too is determined), he calls intelligence the 'prophet'. The Good, then, rules in a mystic way, but the manifest kingship is that of intelligence; hence Orpheus speaks of 'his infallible and kingly mind' [frg. 168,17 Kern]."
§128. "Socrates' first argument to prove that the universe is governed by intelligence proceeds by division: either it is governed by intelligence or by unreason or by nothing but accident. It cannot be by accident, since nothing is planless; nor by unreason, for how to explain the order in the universe, if it is created by unreason? how the unbroken continuity of causes and effects and how consciousness and desire of the good in its manifold aspects? It is intelligence, then, that governs the world."
§129. "The second argument is by analogy: if we consist of body and soul, soul being of greater worth than body, and if we have our bodies from the universe, this is even more certainly true of the soul. In the same way, then, as the totals of the lements that make up our bodies are contained in the universe, the totals of our souls are also comprised in it. And though our souls are sometimes imperfect, those integral souls are always perfect, just as the totals of bodies have perpetual completeness; and therefore the souls that govern the universe are endowed with reason and intelligence."
§130. "Is then everything that exists in the universe also in us and everything that exists in us also in the universe? If so, how is the whole still the whole and the parts parts? Porphyry and Iamblichus meet this objection by saying that everything is everywhere, but in different ways. Proclus, however, says that whatever goes to the making of form, i.e. the specific characters, come from on high, while adventitious or incidental qualities due to declension belong to particular existents only."

§133. "Who is the Zeus in whose 'nature there dwells a kingly intelligence and a kingly soul'? The primal Demiurge, says the commentator [=Proclus]; and the intelligence and the soul are to be understood as kinds of primal sources.
But these things are not under discussion here, so we had better explain him as intra-mundane Zeus."

E+) The phases of Pleasure
§155. "There are a great many phases (pollê proodos) of pleasure: (1) some pleasures are of the body, attending a change towards the natural condition; (2) others, which belong to the soul, have a similar origin, namely a movement from the abnormal to the normal; (3) or from one natural doncition to another, as in the case of ever-perfect souls, which, as they pass on from one object of cognition to another, delight in each, but above all in that which has last presented itself; (4) some pertain to a changeless condition of the soul, if it exists; (5) then there is the pleasure of intelligence that attends its activity, (6) and that which belongs to its essence, as heat belongs to the essence of fire, i.e. the ideal pattern of pleasure; (7) and above this the Goddess herself. What transcends there is beyond pleasure."

F) Memory
§159. "Memory exists in the following stages: (1) in sense-perception, for sense-perception, too, has a certain retentive power; (2) in imagination; (3) in opinion; then (4) in discursive thought; then (5) in intelligence, on the intellective level and (6) on the divine; then (7) there is the Goddess herself, with whom the whole character (idiotês) originates, whether she be the Mnemo mentioned by Orpheus [frg. 203 Kern] or another deity."

F+) Providence and the good man
§179. "Plato, too, knows the type of syllogism in which, from a necessary and a contingent premiss, a contingent conclusion is drawn:
[A] [T]he good man [is] loved by the Gods.
[B] [The man] loved by the Gods has true expectations as a rule.
[C] [Therefore,] the good man has true expectations as a rule.
[AA] [T]he bad man [is] hated by the Gods.
[BB] [The man] hated by the Gods has false expectations as a rule.
[CC] [Therefore,] the bad man has false expectations as a rule.
§180. "A corollary: it is Plato's conviction that Providence also controls the inward motions of the soul; for if the direction of its expectations depends on the favour of the Gods, it is evident that the Godhead also governs the depths of the soul."

G) Divine pleasures
§209. "All senses are anticipated in the Gods, as Homer indicates, when he says with regard to their sight and hearing: 'The Sun, who sees all things and hears all thigns' [Γ 277; μ 323]; and with regard to smell: 'Her perfumed ointment' [Ξ 172]; taste is referred to, where he mentions ambrosia and nectar as their food [ε 93]; and touch in the passage where Thetis touches the chin of Zeus [Α 501]."
§210. "Socrates calls the class of pure pleasures" - discussed in §208 - "'divine', either because of their elevating quality; for nothing that remains steadfast in its natural condition can sink to a lower level, and in any case the elevating pleasures fall under this category; or because they are also appropriate to divine animals, which are naturally incapable of pain, but, in a way different from ours, experience everlasting comfort and joy."

H) Athena Polias
§227. "Why does the Cause associate itself with the mixture? Because the mixture is all-embracing, while the Cause itself is all things. For what is simple cannot comprehend its power, which, transcending unity, comprises all things in an ineffable way. For this reason the divine Iamblichus says that it is impossible to participate individually in the universal orders of existence, but only in communion with the venerable choir of those who are lifted up together, one in mind. And the Athenians prayed (!) to Athena Polias only on behalf of the city, as patroness of the community, not on behalf of individual citizens."

I) Gods in charge of blending
§228. "The Gods in charge of blending are Hephaestus on the natural and intra-mundane level, and Dionysus on the psychical and supra-mundane plane. For this blending function has its beginning above, with the Gods themselves, and it proceeds down to the lowest forms of existence. Thus Hephaestus, who presides over the blending of physical elements, has first revealed this character in himself, then in the intelligence that governs nature, then likewise in the soul that has the same task, and finally in its proper mode of being in the natural world. Similarly Dionysus, after manifesting in himself on the divine level the principle of the blending of soul, has then constituted it intellectively in intelligence, existentially in soul, and as a linking force in the animate body. Beyond these is Zeus, who governs blending on the intellective plane; and there are also others, more particular than Dionysus and Hephaestus. Socrates invokes these because he intends to include all forms of mixture, supra-mundane and intra-mundane, but he does not mention Zeusian mixture (Diion krasin) because it is beyond th escope of the present discussion."

K) The One and the three monads
§236. "... the word aletheia ('truth') is dervied from theion ales, ales meaning 'complete' and theion [or 'divine'] denoting what is supreme in each thing and what it is solely and truly ..."
§237. "The three monads" - Truth, Beauty, Proportion - "are all present in the elements, and in the sum of the elements, and in the whole of the elements together ..."
§238. "The One Principle of all things constitutes each thing and makes it what it is, and therefore its light is Truth [Rep. VI 508E-509A]; and it reveals itself as desirable to all things, and therefore it is also primal Beauty and the Cause of things beautiful [Epist. II 312 E]; lastly, it determines for each thing according to its capacity, the measures set by the order of which it is the soruce, and therefore it is glorified as the Measure [Laws IV 716 C]. What the First Cause, then, is in one, the three monads are spearately, and thus they express the One Principle."

§240. "The three monads are in a mystic way in the First Cause; they are in a unitary way and together in Limit; in a plurified form and as it were in the throes of differentiation in the Infintie; and in the first stage of differentiation, which is united, but not isolated completely, as intellective essences are, in the Third God, who is the Cause of mixture qua mixture."
§241. Truth, Beauty and Proportion correspond to the Good, the Beautiful, and the Just; Good and Beautiful (kalon) being (more or less) the same as the One.

§243. "Iamblichus, too, says that the three monads proceeding from the Good have organized the Intelligence; but it does not apepar, which Intelligence, whether the Intelligence that is posterior to Life, or that which is in Being and is celebrated as the Paternal Intelligence; some, indeed, have understood him to mean, not the latter, but the former. Yet he says that in Orphic literature the three monads manifest themselves in the mythical Egg [frgs. 54-60 Kern]."
§244. "Syrianus separates the three and regards Truth as first revealed in Being, [...] Beauty as first present in life, [...] Proportion in Intelligence [...].
One could also distribute them among the Principles that follow the First Principle: thus Truth can justly be assigned to Limit, Beauty to Infinitude because of its tendency to development, and Proportion to the Mixture. Another possibility is to divide the monads among the three primal hypostases, God, Intelligence, Soul. Or again, among the several grades of being, divisible, indivisible, and intermediate; ..."
§245. "We can comprise the Good 'in one idea' by calling it 'One', inasmuch as it embraces anything you like. If it is not easy to grasp in this way, the One being inexpressible, we can take two ideas, One and All, One in relation to Limit, All to Infinitude. If even this is not sufficient, it can be known through the htree monads; through Truth as transcending all things (for the ruling Principle is in truth generically different from what it rules), through Beauty as lifting up all things to itself, through Proportion as a welcome inmate and companion of all things; for what can be better suited to things than the Good?"

L) The six phases of the Good
§251. "Reviewing all the phases of the Good, Socrates reduces them to six heads, in accordance with Orphic tradition, as he will presently point out himself by quoting the line 'And with the sixth age end your rhythmic song' [frg. 14 Kern]; and also because six is a perfect number.
§252. "He does not include the Good itself, since it is ineffable, but defines it by means of the things in which it appears; for he adds the preposition 'in' to each item, as for eaxmple 'in the mixture' and 'in intelligence'."
§253. "Each of the three, the mixture and its two elements, pleasure and intelligence, is divided into two by Syrianus, though Plato is merely listing the phases of the Good; still, what Syrianus does is methodically sound and to the point. First, then, he subdivides the mixture into that which participates primarily and that which participates secondarily, for instance Truth itself, in virtue of which the participating entity is true, and the truth that is as it were incorporate in the mixture; next he divides the cognitive element into (1) intelligence and reflection, (2) science and art; and, finally, he divides the third group into primary and secondary pleasure, so that consequently the sixth good is necessary pleasure. This is what Syrianus says."
§254. "In the mixture he sees the first pair, its first term consisting only in the participated (which is either the Good or the three monads), the second in the participant, which is the mixture itself, the substance that is perfected by the Good and its emanations; the next pair he places in intelligence, either transcendent or immanent in soul; the remaining two units he explains as pure and impure pleasure."
§255. "Proclus, supplementing this classification, assigns the first term of the first pair to the Gods, the second to essences (hence the first term is said to be 'everlasting', as the divine and absolutely ungenerated, which is expressed symbolically by the word 'everlasting'); of the second pair he assigns the first term to the intellective order, which is the lowest degree of real existence, and the second term to souls; of the third pair one term to souls, the other to living bodies. This means that in each pair the [first term] is always linked [with the preceding] class, and the second [with the following]."
§256. "According to our professor (=Damascius) the first pair is divided between the Mixture and the order beyond it, which Plato calls 'everlasting', because it transcends the Mixture; seen as Limit, this is 'measure', as Infinitude, it is 'measured', as the Egg, it is 'season', for it is season that measures and creates all things; the Mixture itself is determined by participation in each of these. The second pair covers all [knowledge], immovable and self-moved. The third all pleasure, pure and impure."

Damascius on the Gods #2: Commentary on the Phaedo, version B

Damascius' commentaries on Plato's Phaedo were not written down by himself, but are lecture notes, originating from two separate courses, and with considerable differences. The author of the version at hand did not attend the first portion of the course and for this reason seems to have borrowed and copied version A or I, which covers the entire dialogue. I start with version B (or II) because I don't have the other at hand right now.

Unlike with the Philosophical History, in this case I will simply quote or summarize the theological points Damascius makes, without further discussion.

I use Westerink's translation.

§8. Dionysus is the efficient cause of all regeneration (paliggenesias).

§28. (10) "The mother of the Muses is Mnemosyne, a symbol of the latent memory that is the cause of inquiry."

§30. The 'divinity' of the human soul lies in its conformity to pure Being (less so than to the Good).

§57. Socrates mention of the goddess Harmonia is brought up, but not discussed theologically.

§72. Atlas is a "Titan who has the power of separating things in heaven from things under heaven. Hence he [=Plato/Socrates] will not grand him the power of holding things together (this is made clear by Homer, too, when he says that Atlas set up 'the colums that keep heaven and earth apart' [Od. 1.51], in other words, that prevent them from being united), rather they are joined together by the Good, which is the real bond; it is the Good, not the rotation of the sky, that makes the earth a compact whole. This is not the primal Good, but the creative (dêmiourgikon) and intellective Good."

§93. Our sources of knowledge about the things in Hades are 1. the "common opinions" which are inborn in us; 2. the accounts of the theologians (inspired mythological poets); 3. oracles of the gods; 4. the mysteries. 5. "the apparitions of the Gods themselves."

§94. Daimons are intermediate between "beings in constant change and beings conjoined with the henads". They are changeless and perfect, "but not attached to that which transcends being".

§95. There are daimons ranking next to the intramundane Gods; they are "characterized by the unity of the Gods and accordingly called the unitary and divine class of" daimons; the next ranks is characterized "by the intelligence that depends upon the God, called the intellective class"; a third is characterized "by soul, called rational" class; "another by nature, named natural, another by body, called the body-like (sômatoeides); one, finally, characterized by matter, design[at]ed as the material class of" daimons.

§96. A different division, according to locaton, is that "into celestial, ethereal, aerial, aquatic, terrestrial, subterranean". Damascius explains a Chaldaean (?) Oracle mentioning "hounds of air, of earth, of water" attending the "huntress" (Hekate?) by saying that there are irrational  (natural, body-like, and material) daemons from the level of aerial daimons downwards. (There is a similar oracle and attempt at explanation in Porphyry's Philosophy from Oracles.)

§97. According to Proclus ("the commentator") , everything is ruled by daimons one level superior to them: humans, who are psychical, by intellective daimons; irrational animals by psychical daimons; but "immaculate souls are governed by divine" daimons. (An explanation of the Egyptian's words to Plotinus in the Life of Plotinus?)
According to Damascius, "the class of [daimons] as such, whatever their rank, is superior to the human race and to all the lower kinds. A better theory is, therefore, that guardian [daimons] do not belong to all ranks of [daimons] indiscriminately, but only to the companions of those Gods who are in charge of the descents and ascents of souls. To the [daimons] attached to these Gods the care of such lives is assigned, for it can be said in general that ascent and descent comprise different kinds of life, and so this group of [daimons] must belong to all various ranks (divine, intellective, and so forth) and divie the supervision of these lives among themselves accordingly."

§98. According to Proclus, the guardian daimons (eilêchotes) are etherial.
Damascius: "It is better to hold that in this respect, too, they are of all kinds, though always belonging to those subordinate to that particular class of Gods."

§99. Justice is one "and, after the one, many". Therefore there is not only one judge (Aeacus), but immortal heroic souls, and the whole order (choros) depending on Justice, which extends everywhere and "includes even irrarional demons and inanimate objects."

§103-107, 112 give further details on allotted daimons, the choice of the next life, etc.

§108. There are different destinations in the afterlife, as Plato makes clear by a philosophical and by a hieratic "argument, taken from ritual practices", i.e. from hiera; "the reference may be either to assimilation to different Gods, each soul having a divine example of its own (this is not specific enough); or to the wanderings of Demeter, who went astray because there were different roads; or to sacrifices offered to Hecate Trioditis at points where three roads meet and to representations of such forkings in other ceremonies. Furthermore, there are three ways of paying worship to the souls of the departed, one for the venerable priests, one for those who have died a violent death, one for the common run of people."

§113. "'Guides' (hêgemones) are those who lead the way, 'companions' (synemporoi) are souls in charge of the same [daimon] (homodaimones psychai) and bound for the same destination, but for the pious[,] Gods are both guides and companions on the journey to the upper, 'supracelestial' region, according to the Phaedrus [246e4-247c4]."

§115. "The Earth, as a constituent of the Universe (tou pantos) is a Deity (theos). For if the Universe is a God, so of course are the parts that constitute this God. Secondly, if the Earth is an integral part, not a fraction, the Earth must be a Deity; how indeed, as a wholly complete part of the world, can she be otherwise? That which makes the whole a God, confers the same status upon the complete part, containing the plenitude of all forms. Thirdly, if the Earth comprises other Gods, she must a fortiori be a Goddess herself, as Timaeus also says [40b8-c3], so that she must also have an intelligence dependent upon her and a rational soul; and a luminous (augoeides) body before this visible body."

§131. "The earth can be divided on three different principles. One way is to assign it to the three sons of Kronos, who according to Homer [Il. 15.193] have earth as well as heaven 'in common'; if it is common to them it can of course be distributed among them; indeed, if instead of Poseidon who speaks and divides his own realm, the speaker were Zeus, he would no doubt have divided heaven into three, as in Empedotimus' narrative, giving himself the sphere of the fixed stars, Poseidon the spheres down to the sun, and the rest to Pluto. Another division of the earth is analogous to that of the universe, into a celestial, a terrestrial, and a median region; there is worship of Olympian Earth and of Chthonic Earth, and an intermediate one may consequently be inferred. Finally the earth can be divided on the analogy of the animal, since it is itself a living being; so we can distinguish head, middle and feet."

§132. Damascius, against Proclus, thinks that the dodecahedron "is the common transitional form between each of the elements and the sphere, and for this reason earth, too, is essentially dodecahedral; furthermore, it is ruled by the providence of the Twelve Gods, who lift it up to the height of Intelligence." Each element has its own shape, "but from the supramundane level the dodecahedral shape is imparted to them all to prepare them for the participation in intelligence, that is, for sphericity."

§136. "In order to interpret the passage as an allegorical myth one should substitute for the creatures their Creators (dêmiourgous) and Guardians (ephorous), by homonymy and analogy, [humans] for example being taken to signify the God who creates [humans]."

§140. "Tartarus is the nethermost part of the earth and the opposite of Olympus; but there is also a God Tartarus, the guardian of the lowest extremity in each order of being. Accordingly we have a Celestial Tartarus, in which Uranus hid his children, but also a Cronian one, in which Kronos concealed his, and a Zeusian Tartarus, which belongs to the Creator of this world."

§142. "The children of Tartarus and Earth, the consort of Heaven, are Typhon, Echidna and Python, a sort of Chaldean triad in charge of all disordered creation. Typhon is the paternal and essential cause of disorder, not as such, but as a substratum provided by him to be organized by the universal Creator, Echidna is the potentiality, the feminine and emanative cause of disordered nature. Python may be regarded as an intelligence of the same character; therefore he is said to impede the divinatory exhalations and is defeated by Apollo."

§143. "... Some souls descend no father than heaven, some as low as Tartarus, some are spread over the whole range of the intermediate space."

§144. "That there are also Tartarean souls can be deduced from the existence of Tartarean Gods, on whom a complete series must depend, including souls."

§147. "What does it mean that those who have led a life of irreparable sin 'never come out again'? ... it can hardly be an entire world period, since souls complete many periods of their own within one universal period. Nor can it be, as the commentator thinks, a complete revolution of heaven, for even this is too long; nor that of one of the celestial bodies, e.g. the star that has the strongest influence, because in that case it will occur that a soul in need of prolonged treatment has only the briefest taste of Tartarus; nor that of the 'Divine Herdsman' [agelarchou theou] (the Sun, Saturn, or another), for this is again too long. Rather it is the period peculiar to each soul, which determines the highest and the lowest point of its circuit, whether it attains the intelligible world or descends into Tartarus, with its own measure of virtue or knowledge. [...]"

§153. "Socrates considers pledging from the cup because he remembered that this death-bringing character also exists among the Gods (tên toiautên idiotêta tôn theôn, tên thanatêphoron); he refrains, though, on the ground that tradition did not acknowledge the cult of it. Prayer, however, could be offered to all and on all occasions, since there is nothing that does not relate to the Gods." That is, Socrates was about to worship Death, or the gods as death-bringers.

§157. Why did Socrates say that he owed Asclepius the sacrifice, and why were those his last words? If it were due already, a man as careful as he was would not have forgotten it. - The reason is that a soul is in need of the care of the Healing God (Paiôniou) at the moment that she is free from all her toil; therefore the Oracle [frg. 131] says that souls in the upward flight sings the hymn to Paean." Paiônios is the adjective relating to Paean, a god of healing mostly treated as the same as Apollo, Asclepius' father. Asclepius is a Paean-ic god.

Damascius on the Gods #1: Philosophical History

If you have a passing awareness of the Neoplatonists, you probably know that they were very concerned with religion, that there was a lot of oriental influence on their philosophy, and that they were syncretists. None of this is exactly wrong - especially not the first -, but what does "oriental influence" mean, beyond the fact that Neoplatonist philosophers came from across the (Eastern) Mediterranean, be it Egypt, Arabia, Syria, or Asia Minor? What did they syncretize, and how, exactly?

The best author to look at in reply to these questions is Damascius. He was, as his name suggests, a Syrian from Damascus, and seems to have spoken Aramaic and Greek (but likely no other languages). He studied in Alexandria and Athens - the two centres of classical learning at the time -, and found his philosophical and (so to speak) spiritual master in Isidore of Alexandria, a student of the great Proclus. With Isidore, he travelled from Alexandria through Arabia and Syria to Aphrodisias in Southwest Anatolia. As a result, he was one of the most knowledgeable people about contemporaneous pagan practices; due to his wide reading - and his curiosity -, he was also unusually well-informed about "barbarian" religion as it had been practiced in prior centuries. In the usage of the time, he knew something about many different "theologies" (a term intermediate between mythology and theology in the modern sense), and he had learned from the writings of Proclus and Asclepiades (brother to Proclus' student Heraiscus) that a philosopher must seek to understand the coherence of these theologies with each other and with Platonic metaphysics.

In this first post about "Damascius on the Gods", I want to look only at his Philosophical History, a dazzling account of the philosophers of Damascius' time and the recent past (and so much more!), which has a great deal of information about local religious practices, with comparatively little philosophical commentary.

My quotes are a free mixture of original translations and the English of Polymnia Athanassiadi's edition; where I have deviated from her, it was usually to represent the original more literally.

Fragment 3. Osiris and Isis
3A: "The Egyptians used to worship (esebon) most among the gods Osiris and Isis, believing the former to be the creator of all things (hapanta dêmiourgein), ordering matter through forms and numbers; the latter to water and nurture his creation (dêmiourgian) through the innumerable channels of everflowing life."
"Used to worship" must refer to the period when pagans were the majority, since Isis and Osiris were still worshipped by the remaining pagans.
"Osiris" as "creator of all things" may owe more to Plutarch of Chaeronea's On Isis and Osiris than to indigenous tradition, but of course Damascius' Egyptian contemporaries could also read Plutarch.
"Isis" as "watering and nurturing" is more classically Egyptian; but "channels of Life" is the terminology of the Chaldaean Oracles. (Did these speak about Isis or is Damascius applying Chaldaean doctrine to a new context?)
3B: "Some say that he [Osiris] is Dionysus; others that he is another. He was torn in pieces by the daemon Typhon; this was a cause of great sorrow to the Egyptains, and his dismemberment is everlastingly remembered."
What Damascius tells us here aligns with Greek usage - Osiris could appear as a separate theonym in Greek (and keep in mind that few non-Greek divine names ever became normalized in standard, i.e. transregional, Ancient Greek!), but he could also be called Dionysus. He does not give an interpretation of the myth of Osiris here, but from fragment 4C, it looks like he understood it in much the same way as that of the dismemberment of Dionysus (as discussed in the first commentary on the Phaedo), i.e. as describing the division of Soul into multiplicity. But this does not mean that he necessarily conflated Osiris and Dionysus.

Fragment 13. Isidore's appearance
In describing the bodily appearance of his master, Damascius says that his face was square, "a sacred type of Hermes Logios". There are multiple reasons for associating the square with Hermes, and the point here may be that Isidore belongs to the chain or series of Hermes, but also simply that his appearance was appropriate to a person engaged in Hermaic pursuits and in learning and teaching logoi. Similarly, the "charm of Aphrodite" and "wisdom of Athena" of Isidore's eyes mean great charm, exemplary wisdom; but they also show something of the "divine emanation dwelling within" his soul.

Fragment 18. The three (or four) ways of life, according to Isidore
In this fragment, we learn that Isidore associated the three parts or types of the soul with three ways of life, "each of which contains all three elements while receiving its overall shape from the dominant one, which also gives it its name." (This is an idea Damascius applies to many other areas as well.) The life dominated by reason is the "life of Kronos", "the golden race or the people akin to the gods, celebrated in the guise of myth by poets seated on the tripod of the Muse." The last phrase means "inspired by the Muse", and the point here is that Hesiod's account of the first humankind created by the gods is to be understood metaphorically as referring to the philosophers of all generations. "Emotion influences the second, which [...] fights for the first prizes and for glory, and which we continually hear talked about by history." The third are entirely ruled by appetite, "wallowing in swinishness of a slave". Christianity, if I understand the last sentence of the fragment correctly, has created people who are morally inferior even to the third "generation". What is relevant to our present purpose is that Kronos is seen as a god linked to intellectual pursuits, and that Damascius uses a very emphatic metaphor for calling poets inspired by the Muses.

Fragment 19. The body
In line with the Dionysian myth, body is here called a "Giant- or Titan-like" (gigantôdes ê titanikon) prison. Damascius need not be conflating the myths of the Giants and Titans, but is certainly referring them to the same realm (which he calls "Typhonian" elsewhere).

Fragment 34D. The status of philosophers
Isidore
"worshipped as divine Pythagoras and Plato [considering them] to be among those winged souls who dwell in the supra-celestial regions, in the plain of Truth, in the meadow of divine forms. After Plato he particularly devoted himself to Iamblichus and his friends and adepts, the best of whom he claimed was his own fellow-citizen Syrianus [of Alexandria], the teacher of Proclus."
The point here is not necessarily that Isidore literally worshipped any philosophers (although it is plausible enough that he did do so), but that he esteemed them and considered them to have an exalted ontological status. What is surprising in an Iamblichean context is that Pythagoras and Plato are said to be unembodied. Would this make them a kind of lower gods who descended to earth rather than human souls that ascended? After all, Iamblichean Neoplatonism generally considered human souls to be perennially tied to some kind of body, although philosophical and theurgical perfection could allow it to descend to the highest reaches of the cosmos.

Fragment 41. Two ritual experts in 4th-century Alexandria
"Epiphanius and Euprepius were both of Alexandrian descent and were experts in the mystical rites established among the Alexandrians, Eurprepius presiding over the so-called Persian mysteries and Epiphanius over those related to Osiris - and not merely those, but also the mysteries of the god celebrated (hymnoumenou) as Aion. Though I can disclose who he is, I will not write it down on this occasion."
As the rest of the fragment tells us, these two men were not born into paganism, but converted. This is an important example of the vitality of specific pagan traditions even as paganism as a whole was in steep decline. It also tells us that the "Persian" mysteries (without a doubt those of Mithras, a tradition that formed in the early Roman period), those of Osiris (related with those attended by Herodotus about a millenium earlier), and those of Aion (a Hellenistic god of Egypt, especially of Alexandria) were maintained as separate traditions; I will defer my explanation of why this is significant to a later fragment, in which Damascius reveals who Aion is.

Fragment 42. Olympus, defender of the Serapeum
42A: "Olympus, brother of Generosa, who came to Alexandria from Cilicia in order to worship Sarapis."
This shows an important feature of polytheism in the Roman empire: the fame of popular gods could spread wide, so that Sarapis worship had probably had a centuries-long continuous history in the pagan community in which Olympus grew up. Yet they were still tied to specific places and peoples - especially so perhaps for Sarapis, whose great temple in Alexandria was considered a marvel.
42F: "Thus he became a teacher in religious matters (hierodidaskalos) to the Alexandrians at the time when their society was already being swept away by the torrent. He used to gather together those around him and teach them the rules of divine worship, the ancient traditions and the happiness which attends on them - that great and wonderful happiness sent by the gods to those who faithfully observe them."
42H: "Olympus was so filled with the god (plêrês tou theou) that he prophesied to his disciples that Sarapis would abandon the temple; and this came to pass."
In the late third century and throughout the fourth, it seems that the precarity of pagan communities and the increasing relevance of pagan identity as a social marker seems to have made it much easier for (elite) pagans to take up important positions in ritual traditions to which they had no ancestral connection.

Fragment 46B. Theosebius casts out a demon
"But as the daimonion could not be persuaded by gentle words to leave the woman, Theosebius forced him out by an oath/exorcism, though he understood nothing of magic nor had he ever studied theurgy. He exorcised him by invoking the rays of Helios and the god of the Jews; and the demon was driven away shouting that he feared the gods, but also felt awe towards him [Theosebius]."
The Greek Magical Papyri show that Jewish magic, including appeals to Iaho (=YHWH), angels and Jesus (perceived as Jewish by pagan magicians, anyway), was especially influential on the part of pagan magic that concerned itself with casting out or keeping away d(a)emons, while Helios was popular in any type of spell. One did not need to study magical texts to be aware of this. That Theosebius specifically invoked the rays of Helios is more unusual, but they had long played a role in Egyptian religion.

Fragment 52. The rising and the setting Sun
"Divination by clouds, which was not known to the Ancients even by hearsay, was discovered by a woman called Anthusa [...] from Aegae in Cilicia [...] Concerned about her husband, who had been invested with some military office and sent with others to the Sicilian War, she prayed to the rising sun for foresight into the future in her dreams. Then her father, appearing in a dream, exhorted her to pray to the setting sun as well, and as she prayed there formed out of a clear sky a cloud around the sun which eventually grew and took the shape of a man."
The details of this omen are not relevant here. I can only note that the distinction of rising sun and setting Sun as different gods, or states (?) of the same god, was common in Egypt, and was to some extent popularized from this source throughout the Empire. But there might be something else going on here - who can say. All I can say is that this woman certainly spoke Greek, and was calling the sun Helios.

Fragment 53. Sothis
53A: "The Egyptian theologians say (Aigyptioi ... theologousin) that Sothis is Isis, whereas the Greeks refer the same star to Sirius, whom they represent as the do who accompanies Orion in his hunting, or rather they show him negraved in the sky in this form."
The point here is not that the Greeks refer Sothis to Sirius rather than Isis, but that they call the star Sirius rather than Sothis (which latter the Egyptians say is Isis). The name Sothis for the star, and its ascription to Isis, was very old, and as an astronomical term, it was presumably still the common usage in Egypt at this time.

Fragment 57A. Babia
In explaining the word "babion", a term of endearment for a young child, Damascius writes:
"The Syrians, and especially those living in Damascus, call babies and even older children 'babia', after Babia, a goddess venerated by them."
This goddess of children (?) is otherwise unknown, but there is hardly a better authority for Damascene paganism than Damascius.

Fragment 63A. A statue of Aphrodite
"The author says he saw a statue of Aphrodite dedicated by Herodes the sophist. Upon seeing it, I fell into a sweat through the influence of divine terror and astonishment and my soul was filled with such joy that iI was quite unable to to back home. I went away several times only to return to that sight again. The sculptor has blended into it so much beauty - nothing sweet or sensual, but something dignified and virile: clad in armour and as if just returning from a victory, with an expression of joy."
Fragment 72. Asclepiades
72C: "As for Asclepiades, who had been educated mainly in Egyptian literature, he had a more accurate knowledge of his native theology [than his brother Heraiscus], having investigated its principles and methods and having enquired closely into the absolute infinity of its extreme limits. One can clearly see this from the hymns that he composed to the Egyptian gods and from the treatise that he set out to write on the agreement of all theologies."
What exactly agreement (sumphônia) meant in Asclepiades, we are not in a position to evaluate, but hymns to Egyptian gods probably used Egyptian theonyms, and attributes and descriptions drawn from indigenous traditions (both in Coptic and in Greek, in written and oral form).
72F: "He says that Asclepiades ascended Mount Lebanon in the area of Heliopolis in Syria and saw many of the so-called baitylia or baityloi, about which he realtes a multitude of monstrous stories worthy of an impious tongue. He says that some time later he himself and Isidore also saw them."
This is the voice of the Christian Photius, one of the sources for our fragments; a later fragment describes Damascius' own experience of these cult objects.

Fragment 74C. Suchus
This fragment says that the souchos, a type of crocodile, "is just". Suchus is not the ordinary Eyptian word for crocodile, but the name of a crocodile-shaped deity of the Fayyum, also known as the crocodile god or as one of the crocodile gods, as they are called in Greek inscriptions.

Fragment 76. Heraiscus
76A: "And Heraiscus had become a Bacchus, as the dream prophesied to him."
This means "had become a true initiate" (of philosophy or of the gods), not that Heraiscus participated in Dionysian mysteries.
76E: "Heraiscus had the natural gift of distinguishing between animate and inanimate sacred statues. He had but to look at one of them and immediately hsi heart was afflicted by divine frenzy while both his body nad soul leapt up as if possessed by the god. But if he was not moved in such a way, the statue was inanimate and devoid of divine inspiration. It was in this way that he recognised that the ineffable statue of Aion was possessed by the god who was worshipped by the Alexandrians, being at the same time Osiris and Adonis as a result of a truly mystical act of union. [...]
[W]hen he died, as Aslepiades prepared to render him the honours customary to the priests and in particular to wrap his body in the garments of Osiris, mystic signs bathed in light appeared everywhere on the sheets and around them divine visions which clearly revealed the gods with whom his soul now shared its abode. 
But his first birth too was sacred and mystical. It is said that he was delivered of his mother into the light with a finger on his mouth enjoining silence, in the same way that Horus and before him Helios were born according to Egyptian legend. And as his finger was attached to his lips an operation was needed; his lip nevertheless bore throughout his life the scar of the incision, showing the mark of his mystical birth."
Greek and Roman writers generally did not know that Harpocrates - the child god with a finger on his mouth - was (literally) "Horus the child". Plutarch of Chaeronea had treated Harpocrates as distinct from Horus. Nor is the story associating Helios with the same gesture known from any Greco-Roman sources, as far as I know. All this shows the continuity of the Alexandrian Egyptians in Damascius' time with earlier tradition, as does the association of mummy wrappings, Osiris, and joining the gods. Traditionally, mummification (with the attendant rituals) actually allowed the deceased to become Osiris in the afterlife, and the Greek Magical Papyri also attest to the late currency of ideas along those lines.

Heraiscus' interpretation of Aion, a god who had no distinct place either in Greek or in Egyptian myth, but who was important in the ritual landscape of Alexandrian paganism, is probably original to him. It shows, I think, the way in which syncretism is not reduction of difference, but primarily the creation of a framework for making difference legible. On Heraiscus' account, there is a real difference between (animate) statues of Osiris, Adonis, and Aion, but this threefold difference is anchored in only two gods, who were generally known and did not require further "anchoring". The word translated "act of union" by Athanassiadi is theokrasia, 'god-mixing' or 'mixture of gods', but rather than leading to a conceptual blurring, it allowed greater precision and more distinctions.

Fragment 79C. Aramaic names of Kronos
"The Phoenicians give to Kronos the names El, Bel, and Bolathes."
El was a shared Syro-Phoenician god, and the equivalent of Kronos in terms of the succession myths told by Hesiod and multiple Ancient Near Eastern sources. The equivalence was also established usage, as parallel sources (most notably Philo of Byblos) show. Bel is another Syro-Phoenician deity, really named Ba'l or Baal (sometimes, especially in Greek, confused or conflated with the Babylonian Bel); he was typically translated Saturn/Kronos in Carthage, a Phoenician colony, but in Syria, it is far more common to see him translated as Zeus, or even called "Zeus Belus". Bolathes is obscure, but "Bol-" seems to almost certainly be a dialectal form of Baal. Damascius is probably only reporting that Aramaic/Greek-bilingual pagans translated these different theonyms into Greek as Kronos. The many centuries of pervasive Hellenization that Syria had undergone made this more than an accidental feature; it probably informed patterns of worship at the local level signficantly.

Fragment 87A. In Phrygia
"At Hierapolis in Phrygia there was a sanctuary of Apollo and below the temple there was an underground passage which emitted deathly fumes. [...] 
[G]oing to sleep at Hierapolis at that time I had a dream in which I was Attis and, at the instigation of the Mother of the Gods, I celebrated the feast of the so-called Hilaria, which signified my salvation from death."
Phrygia had long been Hellenized, so the worship of Apollo in a Phrygian city, while it may have had roots in Anatolian culture, likely would not have had too much to distinguish it from Apolloniac cult in Greece itself. More important is that there was still a functioning pagan sanctuary in Phrygian Hierapolis - and something of a place of pilgrimage, it seems.

That Damascius dreamed of Attis and the Mother of the Gods, also known as the Phrygian Mother*, is fitting to the locale: somewhat like Sarapis and Alexandria, this goddess was known throughout the empire, but remained associated with Asia Minor in general, and Phrygia in particular. Hilaria is the Latin name for the day of rejoicing following the day when the Mother's priests castrated themselves. The latter was a reenactment of the (self-)punishment of Attis for offending the goddess, and the Hilaria represent their reconciliation. "Salvation from death" probably means that Damascius attributed his recovery from an illness to the Mother of the Gods.

(*There also seem to have been indigenous Greek cults to a goddess called Meter, but in this case the Anatolian Meter is meant.)

Fragment 89A. Directions of Asclepius
"The Athenian Asclepius (ho Athênêsin Asklêpios) prescribed through an oracle the same cure to Plutarch of Athens and Domninus the Syrian. The latter frequently spat blood [...] whereas I do not know the nature of the former's illness. The cure for them both was to stuff themselves with pork. But Plutarch could not stand such a treatment, even though it did not go against his native customs; waking up and leaning on one elbow on his pallet he gixd his gaze upon the statue of Asclepius (since he happened to be sleeping in the vestibule of the temple) and said: 'Master, what would you have prescribed for a Jew suffering from this disease? Surely you would not have ordered him also to fill himself with pork!' And Asclepius gave voice most melodiously from his statue and prescribed a different cure for the disease. 
But Domninus was persuaded by the dream to go against the traditional Syrian custom and, unheedful of the example of Plutarch, ate the meat and continued to do so. It is even said that if he failed to taste pork for one day, the affliction returned with renewed violence until he had filled his stomach."
From this story we learn that incubation oracles - sleeping in a deity's sanctuary to receive dreams from them - were still a feature of pagan Athenian life around 400 CE (as they were of Christian life in the Byzantine period). As the opening words of the fragment show, dream divination of this type were very strongly local: it is the Asclepius at Athens who sent them dreams, not Asclepius wo sent them dreams at Athens.

Fragment 96A. Dike
"As he [Asclepiodotus?] lay in bed, he suddenly chanced to see Justice. She was a radiant maiden, well-girdled, wearing a short quince-yellow tunic decorated with purple bands; her hair was bound with a ribbon, she wore no cloak and was looking sternly and with knitted brow not at him but towards the entrance."
Entitites like Justice were seen as gods, not as personifications of abstracts, by the later Neoplatonists; lowercase justice was overseen by the goddess.

Fragment 97A. Marinus of Nablus
"Marinus, the successor of Proclus, originated from Neapolis (=modern Nablus) in Palestine, a city founded near the so-called Mount Argarizos (=Gerizim), where there is a most sacred temple of Zeus the Most High (Dios Hypsistou), to whom Abramus the ancestor of the ancient Jews was consecrated, as Marinus himself used to say. Born a Samaritan, Marinus renounced their creed (doxan), which is anway a deviation from Abramus' religion, and embraced Hellenism."
A lot is going on in this fragment, but I want to focus on one detail: why is it "the god of the Jews" in fragment 46B, but Zeus Hypsistus here? Apart from the fact that Damascius is dependent on two different sources - Theosebius and Marinus -, I also think that the contexts are very different. In magic, it was seen as a curious fact that invocations of the god of the Jews were especially
efficacious, so his specificity was exactly the point. But in other contexts, this was unsatisfactory to a Hellenic litteratus, and the question of who this god was would naturally come up. The answer that he is Zeus Hypsistus does not entirely give up his specificity, either, since "Hypsistus" (sometimes simply as theos hypsistos, highest god),  a translation of Hebrew ʿElyōn, was a peculiar epithet used by pagans for the Jewish-Samaritan god throughout the Roman period (I'm not certain about before).

Fragment 105A. The city of Athena
This fragment calls Athena "the patron of our city (=Athens)" (hê Polias).

Fragment 111. Chiron the centaur
Here, Damascius gives an interpretation of Chiron's dual nature: he "stood on the dividing line" between the rule of Kronos (the philosophical life) and that of Zeus (the life of glory-seekers).

Fragment 112. Typhonian Pamprepius
Here Zeus-like (Diios) and Kronian (Kronios) are more closely aligned, when Sarapio's Zeus-like and Kronian life is contrasted with the Typhonian Pamprepius of Panopolis - a pagan power-seeker whose adventurism much increased Christian hostility to pagans.

Fragment 134D. Theandrites
"Here [Isidore] came to know Theandrites, the masculine (arrênôpon) god who inspires in one's soul the taste for a virile life."
Theandrites, a god of the Hawran whose Arabic name (I think) is unknown, and who had been Hellenized as Theandr(i)os before Late Antiquity, had been the addressee of a lost hymn of Proclus.

Fragment 136A. Dusares
"The Nabataeans call Dionysus Dusares, as Isidore reports."
The Nabataeans, who cultivated a bilingual or trilingual Arabic-Aramaic-Greek culture during the period of the Nabataean kingdom, seem to have established conventional equivalences between native and Greek theonyms (much like the Romans); Dusares is one of the few whose name is the same in Arabic/Aramaic and Greek. The identification with Dionysus here could reflect local usage, or it could be an outsider's look (perhaps owing something to Herodotus' pronouncement that the Arabs worship only Aphrodite and Dionysus; but in Herodotus' case, this meant the Arabian god Orotalt, probably the same as the well-attested god Rudha). Greeks also sometimes saw Ares in Dusares, for obvious reasons.

(Fragment 136B concerns the Arab - rather than Theban - Lycurgus and his struggle with Dionysus; I refer the reader to the footnotes in Athanassiadi's translation, as the relation of this story to cultic realities is complicated and somewhat speculative.)

Fragment 138. The baetyl of Gennaios
"I saw the baetyl moving in the air, now hiding itself in the clothes of its guardian, now held in his hands. The name of the guardian of the baetyl was Eusebius, who said that at some point he had suddenly had a strange urge to wander away from the town of Emesa in the middle of the night almost as far as the mountain on which is built an ancient temple of Athena; he came with great haste to the foot of the mountain and sat down to rest as one does after a long journey. He then suddenly saw a ball of fire leaping down from above and a huge lion standing beside it, which instantly vanished. He ran up to the ball as the fire was dying down and understood that this was indeed the baetyl; picking it up, he asked it which god possessed it, and the baetyl answered that it belonged to Gennaios. The Heliopolitans honour Gennaios in the temple of Zeus in the shape of a lion. He took it home that same night [...] Eusebius was not the master of the baetyl's movement, as is the case with others, but he begged and prayed and the baetyl listened to his incantations [...] For my part I thought that the baetyl was divine, while Isidore found it rather daemonic; he said that it was moved by a daemon, not one of those who are harmful or too material, nor yet one of those who have achieved immateriality and are altogether pure. Each baetyl is ascribed to a specific god, to Kronos, to Zeus, to Helios, and to others."  
See 72F for the first mentions of baetyls. The word literally means "house of a god" or "house of El"; in the Hebrew Bible, where El is a name of YHWH, there is an important story where Jacob anoints a stone and then calls the place (!) Bethel (Genesis 28). Augustine's commentary on this passage distinguishes this from idolatry by saying that the stone is called a "house of God", not (an image of) God himself. In Phoenicia, on the other hand, Bethel or Baitylos was also seen as a god in his own right (as attested by Philo of Byblos). But the typical situation throughout Arabia, Syria and Palestine seems to have been that described in the last sentence, with baetyls being essentially a type of aniconic divine image (Greek agalma, "idol"), often (but not always) an unhewn stone.

The temple at Heliopolis or Baalbek was still known as a former temple of Zeus well into the Islamic period - the Harranian philosopher Thābit ibn Qurrah identified and honored it as such in the 9th century. The Lion in question is not one of the famous Heliopolitan "triad" called Jupiter, Venus and Mercury by the Romans. (On the difficulties of deciding which Semitic gods these "really" were, see Andreas J. M. Kropp, "Jupiter, Venus and Mercury of Heliopolis (Baalbek). The Images of the 'Triad' and Its Alleged Syncretisms", in: Syria 87 (2010), 229-264.) Rather, this Gennaios is the equivalent of Aramaic gny', cognative with Arabic jinn; "Etymologists agree that the term is not the proper name of a deity, as is often thought, but a qualifier or epithet meaning 'divine (being)'." (Kropp, 236). Of course, in this case, at least as Damascius understood it, Gennaios really is the proper name of a deity (or, on Isidore's account, perhaps rather the name of a daemon belonging to some other deity; but even he might have thought Eusebius' baetyl was possessed by a daemon beloning to the chain of a god Gennaios.)

Fragment 142. The Phoenician Asclepius
142B: "The Asclepius of Berytus is neither Greek nor Egyptian but a certain local  (epichôrios) Phoenician [god]. Sadycus had children who are translated as the Dioscuri and the Cabeiri; after them the eighth child was Esmunus (Esmounos), whom they translate (as) Asclepius. Being an extremely beautiful young man, ravishing to the eye, he was loved, according to the myth, by the Phoenician goddess Astronoe, the Mother of the Gods. He was hunting, as was his custom, in these glens when he saw the goddess chasing after him; as she continued her pursuit and was about to catch him, he fell into a state of frenzy and cut off his own organs of procreation with an axe. Devastated by grief at this misfortune, the goddess summoned Paean and, reviving the youth with her life-giving warmth, she made him a god, called by the Phoenicians Esmunus after the warmth of life. Others however interpret the name Esmunus as 'eighth' because he was the eighth son of Sadycus."
142C: "I reported all this to Isidore who always paid to sacred myths an attention that was wise and divinely inspired."
Damascius (or his source) takes it as a given that the Greek and the Egyptian Asclepius (=Imhotep or Imouthês) are distinct, and so they largely were (in terms of myth, iconography, and cult). That the Phoenician theonym Eshmun was commonly translated into Greek as Asclepius is confirmed by much earlier sources. Philo of Byblos, writing in the 2nd century CE, confirms that Asclepius (for whom he gives no Phoenician name) was regarded as the son of Sydyc by the inhabitants of Berytus (=Beirut). The difference in name, Sadycus vs. Sydyc, makes it highly unlikely that Damascius used this text, even if "Sadycus had children who are translated as the Dioscuri and the Cabeiri" is very close to Philo's "from Sydyc descended the Dioscuri, or Cabiri, or Corybantes, or Samothraces". I think that this must be the local translation convention of Phoenicians bilingual in Greek and Aramaic, which one could well expect to be stable over centuries (as it was at Rome).

Philo also does not mention Astronoe/the Mother of the Gods or Paean (although he does mention Apollo) in any of the extant fragments, even though the account of the gods is preserved quite fully. In addition, Damascius' account strongly suggests that he received this information locally and orally ("in these glens"; and it seems very likely that what he reports to Isidore [fr. 142C] is just this myth).

The identity of Astronoe is problematic. Is she Astarte, as some have suggested? But this was a well-known name, enshrined as good Greek through Herodotus' mention of her. Astronoe is even better Greek, I suppose, being composed of the words for "star" and "intellect". If we do accept that Astronoe represents older Astarte (for whatever reason), a plausible explanation emerges. In previous centuries, the prototype of the narrative of the goddess who loves a mortal man who is wounded/dies was that of Astarte and Tammuz, or in Greek, of Aphrodite and Adonis. But the story in Damascius seems to be a reworking of this story - in which the mortal man dies - on the model of the Phrygian story of Attis, in which the mortal man castrates himself, so that Esmunus is, as it were, revived without having been killed. This could explain the shift in translation from Aphrodite to the Mother of the Gods. But perhaps we should simply, like Damascius, take it as (the Hellenized version of) an unknown Phoenician name.

Conclusions
I want to frame the conclusions from this first look at Iamblichus in terms of legibility. The great gods of Greek myth were known to every imaginable reader of Damascius' work, but barbarian gods (or minor Greek gods) were more opaque. How could people relate these to what they knew, unless they had grown up with them and were familiar with stories and rituals relating to them?

In Damascius, we find someone who is clearly interested in the barbarian names of gods, and does not compulsively reduce them to Greek gods. Nevertheless, he is at home with Greek culture, and there are only one or two passages (fragments 57A and perhaps 79C) where he is drawing on his own knowledge of indigenous Syrian gods.

Egyptian gods.
Egypt, like Rome, is a unique case, but almost for the opposite reason. At Rome, the Latin and Greek names were largely seen as wholly equivalent, as mere translations, and as a result, Zeus is written in Greek letters if he is ever named in Latin texts, and Greek texts which mention Roman gods by their Latin names (which is utterly rare and almost only happens when the name itself is being discussed), it is always in Latin declesion (e.g. Liberoum for Liberum, rather than the slight Hellenization Liberon). The Egyptian gods, on the other hand, were known by (Hellenized versions of) their native names, not only in the Greek spoken in Egypt, but throughout the Roman empire. Isis, Osiris and Sarapis were as familiar as the gods of Homer, and many others (Anubis, Thoth, Harpocrates, etc.) were widely known and worshipped. Texts from Egypt, including the Greek Magical Papyri, show that some equivalences, like that of Hermes and Thoth or Phre (Ra) and Helios, were very popular, but even these were not complete conflations, and they seem to be the exception rather than the rule.

In his discussions of Isis, Osiris, Aion and Horus, Damascius conforms to this picture. Isis requires no glossation, Osiris receives one but its validity is left open; Helios (in 76E) is given a Greek name following Egyptian practice, and only Aion is seen as in need of an explanation (which is not a reductionist one, however, and given by a native rather than invented by Damascius.)

Arabia.
Damascius tells us about two Arabian gods - one, Theandrites ("God-man-ites"), he regards as a patron of masculine virtue: the name explains the god. The other, Dusares, is treated simply as the Nabataean name of Dionysus. Too little of the context is extant to explain why.

Syria and Phoenicia.
Damascius knows the Syrian goddess Babia from his own hometown of Damascus - he probably doesn't gloss her name because she was given no gloss in his household either? -, and he knows that El, Bel and Bolathes are translated as Kronos both in Syria and (at least in the case of El) in Phoenicia. In Berytus, it seems likely that Bel was rather translated as Zeus (as in Philo of Byblos), but on the other hand the "Zeus Belus" of Greek literary sources is also something of an imposition of Herodotus' account of an unrelated but similarly-named Babylonian god on the realities of Syrian cult. It may be that locally, the equivalence with Kronos was actually more widespread. With Gennaios, whom Eusebius apparently introduced to Isidore and Damascius without giving a Greek equivalent, Damascius does not look for one.

Finally, in Berytus, which seems to have preserved both its Phoenician traditions and traditional Greek equivalencies, Damascius reports these very neutrally. Esmunus and the other children of Sadycus (for whom, like Philo of Byblos, he gives no Greek counterpart) are "translated as" Asclepius and as the Dioscuri or Cabri, respectively. Astronoe is "Astronoe, a Phoenician goddess, Mother of the Gods" - an equivalence that he could have chosen to express in much more theologically rigid language. With Esmunus himself, he makes it clear that he is not the same Asclepius as the Greek and the Egyptian one.

Palestine.
See on 97A.

Phrygia.
The Apollo of Phrygian Hierapolis is a local Apollo in almost exactly the way that the Asclepius of Athens is local to his sanctuary. The Phrygian Mother, like Sarapis, is local yet universal; that Damascius uses the Latin word "Hilaria" shows that his Meter is really a pan-Roman goddess, not a provincial or in any way exotic one.

Freitag, 7. Juni 2019

Works of Porphyry (C): Historica & Metaphysica

Historica

No. 22: “Philosophical History” (193–224)
One of the major sources of knowledge about the history of Greek philosophy in Arabic – although the Arabic version is now lost. In Greek, a Life of Pythagoras is preserved which was originally part of this work. This is available online in Guthrie’s 1920 translation. Importantly, the History only treated the philosophers from Thales to Plato.

No. 23: Chronicle? (edited separately, exc. 225F)
Except for a short mention in an Arabic source (225F Smith; part of No. 22?), these fragments were edited in Jacoby’s Fragmente griechischer Historiker, no. 260. English translation in Brill’s New Jacoby, also under no. 260. As I understand it, this is somewhat of a grab-bag of fragments of a historical nature, which cannot be attributed to named works.

Metaphysica

No. 24: “Against Those who Divide the Intelligible from the Intellect” (226–230a)
Porphyry explains that, when he came to Plotinus, he considered, with his teacher Longinus and many other Middle Platonists, that the Intelligible (essentially, the Forms) and the Intellect were separate entities. Plotinus, developing a different strand of Middle Platonist thinking, posited that the Intelligibles were the Intellect, and had his long-standing student debate Porphyry. In the end, the new student accepted the Plotinian doctrine, and wrote a work in which he defended it. This once existed in Arabic, but we know basically nothing concrete about it.

No. 25: “Aids to the Study of the Intelligibles” (edited separately)
A kind of early predecessor of Proclus’ Elements of Theology, this is probably the most important metaphysical text of Porphyry’s. Unfortunately, it is nowhere near as detailed as Proclus’ work, and also much less systematic. But it seems to have served a similar function, i.e. presenting the metaphysical system in a digestible form rather than the more usual format of commentaries and monographs.

The “Aids” (or “Auxiliaries”) are also known as the Sententiae (ad intelligibilia ducentes). Thomas Taylor’s 18th-century translation is online. More recently, K. Guthrie, Launching-Points to the Realm of Mind, 1988.

No. 26: “On First Principles” (231–232)
Only a five-line quotation in Proclus remains.

No. 27: “On Incorporeals” (232)
A work that would be of particular interest on account of Porphyry’s differences with Iamblichus on the nature of incorporeals; unfortunately, nothing beyond the name is known.

No. 28: “On Matter” (233–237)
Not well-preserved, but there is a relatively long quotation in Simplicius’ commentary on Aristotle’s Physics.

No. 29: “On the Difference between Plato and Aristotle” (238)
and
No. 30: “About the School of Plato and Aristotle being One” (239)
are known by name only. That both are ascribed to Porphyry is odd, but not impossible to explain. Whatever one says about the issue is likely to be unduly speculative, however.

No. 31: “Against Aristotle on the Soul Being an Entelechy” (240)
is known only by its title and could be the same as
No. 32: “On Soul, Against Boethus” (241–250)
Boethus of Sidon was a 1st-century BCE Aristotelian. Beside the treatise on the soul Porphyry was reacting to, he also wrote one of the earliest commentaries on Aristotle’s Categories. All extant fragments of Porphyry’s work, which come to about 9 pages in Smith, are found in Eusebius’ Preparation of the Gospel.

No. 33: “On the Powers of the Soul” (251–255)
Stobaeus gives ten pages’ worth of excerpts from this work in his great Anthology.

No. 34: “Mixed Questions” (256–263)
Nemesius of Emesa (On the Nature of the Human) and Priscianus (Answers to King Chosroes) made use of this work on Platonic metaphysics.

No. 35: “On Perception”? (264)
Also used by Nemesius; not necessarily a separate work

No. 36: “On Sleep and Awakening”? (265)
Title of a lost Arabic work, and a plausible name for a Greek treatise. But perhaps originally a section of a larger work.

No. 37: “To Gaurus on How Embryos are Ensouled” (edited separately)
Preserved in an incomplete form under the name of Galen, this work has been recently translated with No. 38 by James Wilberding, Porphyry. To Gaurus on How Embryos are Ensouled and On What is in Our Power, 2014.

It was the object of a Byzantine anti-astrological rebuttal: Anonymous Christianus, Hermippus or On Astrology.